By Stephen L. Weigert (auth.)
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Additional info for Angola: A Modern Military History, 1961–2002
The MPLA’s weaknesses, however, proved to be no less glaring than those that Savimbi had detected in the FNLA. After he broke with the FNLA, Savimbi was invited to visit the MPLA in Congo (Brazzaville). Savimbi’s observations of the MPLA’s base camp at Dolisie erased any thought he may have given to joining the guerrillas led by Agostinho Neto. 69 Cabindan residents, some of whom had already joined the ranks of the Mouvement 28 Angola de Liberation de l’Enclave de Cabinda (MLEC) in 1961, were not rallying to the MPLA, and by 1963, a small separatist movement known as the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) had emerged to challenge MPLA and FNLA claims to lead or speak for the enclave’s sixty thousand inhabitants.
It did not take long for the leaders of the Angolan rising to realize that they must find some other methods if they really wanted to free their country . . ”55 Fanon did not mention Algeria or provide specific examples of a “war of liberation” and he did not cite any particular theorist of guerrilla warfare whose “techniques” could have inspired UPA. International sympathy and subsequent Pan-African support from the newly established Organization of African Unity (OAU) did not suffice to turn the FNLA into a more effective guerrilla movement.
The hard lesson of facts, the bodies mown down by machine guns: these call forth a complete reinterpretation of events . . This modification in fighting techniques characterized the first months of the war of liberation . . It did not take long for the leaders of the Angolan rising to realize that they must find some other methods if they really wanted to free their country . . ”55 Fanon did not mention Algeria or provide specific examples of a “war of liberation” and he did not cite any particular theorist of guerrilla warfare whose “techniques” could have inspired UPA.